Hamza Baba ao Pakhtunwali
Hamza Shinwari was, undoubtedly, a great trend-setter in Pukhto ghazal. The dominant and powerful trend that he had set up was the painting of his nostalgic identification with the universal concept of Islamic mysticism. He had taken excessive benefits from the local terms and idioms of age-old customs and traditions of the Pukhtuns, particularly those still prevailing among the tribes of Tirah - Afridi and Shinwari - as symbols, metaphors and similes in his poetry, be it romantic or realistic. To understand better his poetry, one should know something of these customs and traditions, forming Pukhtunwali, which was held so dear by Amir Hamza Khan Shinwari, and the terminology of these practices which he has expressed profusely in his poetry. It was, therefore, deemed necessary to discuss briefly this background in the succeeding lines. Pukhtuns "inhabits an area of more than 100,000 sq. miles, which is bisected by the Afghan-Pakistani border... There are certainly almost twice as many Pathans as Kurds, which makes them the largest living society in the world... The guiding force for its twelve million members is Pukhtunwali, they way of the Pathans." [1] "The Pathans are Moslems and speak Pushtu. They are also known as Pakhtuns, Pashtuns, Pushtuns, and Pakhtoons." [2] Pushto is the largest of the east Aryan languages, spoken by about 14 million people. [3] By now the population of Pukhtuns might have crossed the mark of 25 million. Their main body lives between Hindukush and Indus river, from Chitral to Bolan. They have been divided into two geo-political units. One part lives in Afghanistan, another in Pakistan where it has been further divided into four parts, i.e. the federally administered tribal area (FATA), the provincially administered tribal area (PATA), the Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. In the real sense, Pukhtuns have very little experience of the government order through their long turbulent history. Whether in Afghanistan or in Pakistan, they prefer to settle their affairs at home. Those units, which are under direct government writ, have also constrained the respective government to relax the rule of law in their favour. On both sides of the Durand line, the governments have allowed function of the Islamic law, local traditions and government law side by side. This deal has been working effectively, although with immanent pros and cons. Through centuries of free, or autonomous, or semi-autonomous status, Pukhtuns have evolved a system of self-government at the root-level i.e. the family, almost extended family under the patronage of the living head, which grows and expands, splits and assimilated into clans and tribes. Normally the death of the head ensues division among the brothers to head their respective families. This is the most crucial phase when the brothers fight for succession to the father if he had some sort of social status, and also for the properties. For example, the eldest son, being the legitimate successor of the social status i.e. Maliki, is surpassed, some time, by another one due to some machination. In this phase the families of the brothers are so much involved that they may jump headlong into a bloodbath. This sinister phenomenon has born the concept of tarboorwali (the villainous affairs among the cousins). Although this trend has now faded to rarity but the term is still in vogue and fresh. The customs and traditions, thus matured, have taken the form of a code of conduct which encompasses the whole society, with slight variations at local levels. This code of conduct is called Pukhtunwali. In common parlance it is mentioned as Pukhto and Dood-dastoor as well. 'This is a stringent code, a tough code for tough men, who of necessity live tough lives. Honour and hospitality, hostility and ambush, are paired in the Afghan mind. The values of the Pushtun and of the Muslim religion, modified by local custom, permeate in varying degrees all Afghan ethnic groups. [4] The topic of Louis Dupree was Afghanistan. So he addressed the Pukhtuns as Afghan. It was, in fact, an appellation applied to Pukhto-speakers by Persians. The language was also called Afghani. Now Afghan means 'the citizen of Afghanistan irrespective of his race and creed'. And, therefore, the common appellations of Pukhtun apply to the Pukhto-speaker, wherever he is. The tribal belt along the Durand Line, in Pakistan, has been adhering to Pukhtunwali under the suzerainty of political agents of the federal governments in FATA and deputy commissioners of the provincial government of PAKHTUNKHWA in PATA. The people are, however, allergic to foreign intervention which they defy by all, fair and unfair, means. "They are noted as fierce fighters, and throughout history they have offered strong resistance to invaders. The British attempted to subdue the Pathans in a series of punitive expeditions in the late 19th and early 20th century, but were finally forced to offer them a semi-autonomous area between the border of British India and that of Afghanistan.". [5] 
بېرته شاته
Certain principles of Pukhtunwali
A young student, Hanif Khalil, has tried elaboration of Pukhtunwali in an article, captioned Hamza and Pukhtunwali. [10] Excerpts from that article are produced below: Pukhtunwali, Dod Dastoor, and Pukhto are synonymous. Pukhto, the very name of the language, is interpreted, in general, as the code of life of Pukhtuns. Main features of this code are nang, ghayrat, merhanah, hayaa, nanawaate, lauz, melmastia, teega, jarga, panah warkawal, badal, swara etc. It may be noted that verbatim translation of these words and terms would not reflect the real sense in which they are used in Pukhto. In some cases they are rather conflicting. For example nang means shame, ignominy, disgrace. In Pukhto it is used for an act of taking firm stand for a cause. Ghayrat means shame, bashfulness, modesty, jealousy, a nice sense of honour, courage, disdain, indignation. In Pukhto it is synonymous of nang, and is used for honour and courage also, and not for any other meaning. Hayaa is used for shyness, lauz for promise, melmastia for hospitality, pana warkawal for giving shelter. Swara means the female rider. In Pukhto this term is applied to that one which is given in marriage to a member of the victim family in order to resolve a blood feud. If some one is killed, his family is entitled to take its revenge (badal) which may ensue an unending process of blood feud. It may not take the real killer but any member of the involved families. To cut short, or put an end to, this chain of events, a jarga of elders intervenes and settles the issue. This is, of course, a crucial, complicated and sensitive stage and could be tackled only by very influential and strong elders who could execute the decision even by force. There are different punishments such as execution, compensation in cash, burning of houses, declaring the defaulter outcast, and swara. The girl picked up for swara is a sort of sacrifice. She is seldom content in her life. Her in-laws normally loathe her being a member from the rival family. But there are many events which are remembered by the folks that this swara is treated as a white pigeon and accorded due regard not only by the in-laws but the whole community. In such a case, the claimant family accepts the verdict and then gives something, normally a paroonay (chadar, the cloth-sheet, wrapped around by females as a cover), to the girl, which symbolises protection to her chastity and modesty, and forgive her. Then she is taken in proper marriage. This practice has been gaining momentum for quite some time, and the concept of swara is, thus, realised in its true sense. The following terms have been taken from Pukhtane, Vol-II, (Kabul, pp.87-93): Amr bil-ma'ruf: It is a movement, ordained by teachings of Islam, launched under the leadership of the clergy to guide the community on to the right path. The defaulter of Islamic order is normally punished in different ways, to humiliate him in the public, and fined and bound by a guarantee for future good conduct. Badraga: It means escort by local(s) of a person moving in territory of another family or clan, or a person from the outside. It is valid within the territory of the family or clan to which the escort belongs. If a person under escort is harmed, the escort is bound to repair the loss and then goes after the offender for due revenge. The person who needs escort may either settle to pay some money or invoke any sort of social relationship. Balandra: It is called ashar also. A collective system of work for an individual or a community. In case of an individual the workers are normally given food by the caller. In case of community the food is provided from the common fund, in cash or in kind, raised for the purpose. Baraamta: Recovery of dues from any person of the family or clan of the defaulter instead of the real person. Belga: The person in possession of anything stolen is held responsible for the theft and liable to repair the loss or bring forth the real thief. Chegha: A cry. Whenever some event takes place which necessitates consideration, consultation or action, an announcement, normally by beating of drum, is made and every one has to reach the spot. In case of a raid, attempt of dacoity or theft, the people of the locality are bound to come out immediately with arms for counter-action, at a call from the affected person or any one of the area. Daarha: A sudden attack by an armed band for plundering and robbing. Gondee: Support to any party of a dispute. Jarga: It is the most important institution of the tribal life. It means a council of elders with judicial and, sometime with executive, power. The size of the jarga and qualifications of its members depend on the scope and gravity of the matter. For settlement of a national issue, a Loya Jarga, representing all walks of life within the community, is convened which performs the role of legislative body as well. Kat pkha neewal: It is also a type of nanawaate. In case of a murder by chance, a member of the murderer's family gets hold of a foot of kat (the string-bed which is used as stretcher also for transportation of dead-body to the graveyard) and sticks to it until he is assured that the murderer was pardoned. Lokhay: Literally it means a pot. If a person wants to live at a place other than his original, he will have to offer a sheep to the family or clan of that place to seek refuge. Once it is settled, he or his family may enjoy freedom for one generation as a settler. After that it may be renewed. The settler abides by the traditions of that place, although he is not considered a member of that society. If any one of the local family or clan commits any sort of crime against him, the former is tried by traditions. Miraata: To kill all the male members of a family to do away with any claim to the heritage of assets of that family. Mla-tarh: The male who can take up arm in support. Such male members of a family. Mochalga: The surety in form of arms or some other material deposited by the rival parties with a jarga mediating the case. If the authority rested in the jarga was abused by a party, or the parties, the surety of the concerned party, or the parties, is confiscated in favour of the jarga. Naagha: It means fine or compensation. For some ordinary disputes, the naagha is fixed from time to time. In particular cases of criminal or civil offenses, it is evaluated according to the nature of the crime. Nanawaate: It is a process of reconciliation. In case of a murder, the murderer along with some elders and some women form a jarga to take one or more sheep and an amount of money to submit to the bereaved family. The amount of money, termed as Diyat in Sharia, is called saaz in Pukhto. The murderer surrenders himself with a formal speech that the bereaved family has the right to kill him or pardon him. Very rarely the response is negative. In fact, proper ground work is done before the final approach and both sides give assurance to the mediators of their conduct. In case the nanawaate is rejected, the murderer returns safe with the jarga and the enmity continues. In case of ordinary disputes, same procedure is adopted with appropriate stress according to the nature of the dispute. In case of a tribal clash, a party goes to some shrine or spiritual or social dignitaries to invoke their favour for mediation. Then those spiritual and social dignitaries form jargas for the job. These jargas define the guilty side and settle the terms and conditions of nanawaate to bring an end to the feud. Saaz: It means construction, conciliation, innocent, music, here money offered in a case of murder. It is similar to Diyat ordained in Islamic jurisprudence. Shooka: To waylay or rob some one on the way or within his own territory. Teega: It is called Konrhay or Kanrhay also which means a stone. In term of tradition, it means a truce between two fighting parties. In a phrase it is used as teega/konrhay ekhwal which means to place a stone (between the rivals). One type is for a fixed term with a fine on the violator within that period, which is called Da neete teega. The second is for indefinite term in which case a party may declare any time its abolition at a short notice, and the jarga is informed to get out of it before the given time. It is called Da khabar teega. Muhammad Nawaz Khan (Major retired) and Alamzeb Gandapur have jointly worked on "The Jirga system" with some valuable information on these traditions also. [11] Some of them, not covered in the preceding lines, are placed below: Paighor (contemptuous reproach): A comes to know or has reasons to believe that his wife B has got illicit connections with F. Until he has exterminated both, B and F, the matter remains paighor for A. Sharam: Anyone who provides false evidence or causes defamation and is proved to have done this crime will be forced to announce his guilt in front of the tribe. He will also have to pay three or five times an amount as cost of sharam to the individual or family to whom defamation was caused. Zhagh (announcement) about a woman: A wants to seek the hands of B's daughter in marriage. B does not agree. A fires three gun shots in the air in front of his house, thereby throwing a challenge to the person who marries the girl. The girl is eventually married to another person named F, who knows that A's zhagh stands. F, in this case, becomes the cause of sharam for A who according to rewaaj (the custom) is justified to take F's life. The dispute can, however, be settled through jarga, nanaawaate etc. Zhagh (announcement) in a murder case:A's brother B was killed by C. A will be justified to kill C. If he does not find any opportunity, then he hires assassin(s), and then gives out zhagh attributing the murder of C to himself. Nazar lagedl: Nazar means 'sight'. The influence of an evil eye resulting in bad effects. It has been elaborated by Dr Ahmad Khan Jamil in his book, titled The art of inventive and creative work, (pp.29-30). Dr Qabil Khan Afridi has explicated some terms in his Ph.D thesis on Amir Hamza Khan Shinwari (pp.322-324) which are placed below: Badal: Revenge. The Pathan must always take his revenge as there is no other law to redress the wrong done to him. Badal also means exchange i.e. exchange of sisters for marriage. Bonga: The amount or kind of ransom. Naagha: Fine, usually imposed by the tribe or the jarga. Path: Honour, fidelity, faith, sacrifice. Tarboor: Literally cousin but metaphorically it stands for not only the rival but the worst enemy. Trabgani, or Tarboorwali, is the noun masculine for not only counsinship but enmity. Tor: Calumny or slander, the catastrophic discovery of illicit relations between a man and a woman whether related or not. The punishment is straight, merciless death. Walja: Abduction for ransom. Of the important institutions of Pukhtunwali, some are: 1. Malik, a village, family or clan head, 2. Mullah, who leads religious rituals, 3. Hujra, a common guest house of a village where male members of the community gather in odd hours for relaxation and some indoor entertainments, such as music, games etc. It is opened to, even strange, guests who are normally entertained by the community. The system in hujra is based on self-service. There, however, arises a question for a stranger to find as to how these trite themes could maintain poetic freshness, charm and subtlety. A stranger may be confused, but for a Pukhtun it has always been a source of consolation and comfort, delight and excitement to read, or listen to, the poetry composed of features of their national characteristics, rather than imitation of invented ideas and the ideals of Arabic and Persian literature. It is, probably, this vogue that realism is dominant, and clearly perceptible, in Pukhto poetry. Hamza Shinwari, being a tribesman, has given a new colour and flavour to this trend, having applied a unique charm to such symbols, similes and metaphors, with personification of every object, that has earned him a distinction in the history of literature. He has put the turban of the Pukhtun ego on the head of the Sufic submissiveness, and has applied the unwieldy cosmetics of the Pukhtun traditions to the dainty and pretty figure of the sweetheart. To Hamza Pukhtunwali was the foundation of Islam. He picked up every virtuous bit of Pukhtun character to adorn his ideal, and interpret his tasawwuf. If all these qualities, enumerated by him, were sorted out and placed together, they would make an ideal Pukhtun, and then a human and a Muslim. نه به سړې شي نه به انسان شي نه په رښتيا به ته مسلمان شې هم به هغه ئې، و هم به دا شې خو ترې اول چې سوچه افغان شې (You will not be a man, or a human, Nor a true Muslim you will be, You may be that, and this, too, But first to become a true Afghan). (Salgae; 136) There is no poetic ambiguity in this quatrain. Its meaning, and its message, are very clear. چې بې تا چا ته ټيټ نه شي ننګيالې زما ژوندون کړه زړه زما د مسلمان وي، تفکر مې د پښتون کړه (May it not bow but before You, be honoured my life, May my heart be Muslim, and thinking Pukhtun). (Ghazawoone; p.130) This is the art of welding Islam and Pukhtunism. The poet prays for the life of honour, and the way of thinking, of a Pukhtun and the faith of a Muslim, that his head should not bow before any one except Almighty God. The Pukhtun also considers 'bowing before some one' an act of shame. زور به ووينې په اوښکه پښتنه کښې چې مزاج د سمندر شته په قطره کښې (The force in Pukhtun tear, you will see, That the drop has the nature of the sea). (Yun; p.381) What a beautiful blend of the attributes of Pukhtunwali with those of Sufism. A tear is compared with a drop of water, and the fierce nature of the Pukhtun with the might of sea. At the same time, the idea that 'a part is part of the whole' is an express doctrine of the Sufic order of Wahdat-ul-Wujud. ډېر سرور به ساقي ما ته د باړې په اوبو راشي ما پښتون ته جام د مېئو څه پکار په صفينه کښې (Much delight I have, O page! from the water of Bara, A Pukhtun, I don't need the cup of wine in the boat). (Yun; p.384) Bara river flows down from the high mountains of Tirah through Bara valley and empties into the Kabul river near Banda Sheikh Ismail. Hamza has touched upon the notion that it's muddy water is healthy, sweet and delicious, and that a Pukhtun, privileged by the Nature with this water, has no need even of the wine. This also indicates nostalgic attachment of the poet with his area of origin. برنډ که حوادث دي د وختونو په کاکو کښې زه به حوصله هم پښتنه ورته پېدا کړم (Events may look angry thru the eye of time, I will, also, bring up Pukhtun courage). (Baheer; 7) Very simple but very forceful. قام ته بادشاهي خائي زما د سخن سورې خپله کښې په شان د هما اوچ هډوکې شپېلم (Reflection of my poetry guides the nation to rule, What, if I chew the dry bones like Huma). (Ghazawoone; p.47) زه دې اوچ هډوکې شپېلم خو ملت مې دې سلطان وي دا زما د سخن سورې په مانع کښې همايون کړه (I may chew bones but my nation be royal, May refection of my poetry be a good omen). (Ghazawoone; p.130) Huma means an eagle, an osprey, but in poetry it means a 'fabulous bird of good omen'. It is a popular myth that when a Huma flies over some one's head, or its shadow falls on some one, or it comes down to perch on the head or shoulders of some one, that man becomes a king. The eagle which is called Huma, or jorhee, is said to be hovering in pairs in a circle to hunt small animals. Once they see a prey they dive, one by one, and hit it with sharp claws at the same place until it falls down. When they don't find any prey, then they lift bones and drop them on a stone to break. They dive down in such a speed that no sooner the bone touches the stone, than they would be there to lick the split over marrow. Humayun, derived from Huma, means 'auspicious, fortunate,'. It was the name of the second Mughul emperor of India, also. This is an excellent case of pun that the poet has displayed. Comparing himself with a Huma, he wishes that the effect of his poetry may lead the Pukhtun to glory. زړه مې پښتنو بڼو ته لوښې دې ورکړې نېغ ورځه نظره څو کښې زلفې غلچکئي دي (My heart has offered lokhay to Pukhtun eye-lashes, Go straight, O sight! even if the locks are stealing). What a beautiful symbolism. Not only beautiful symbolism but wonderful personification of 'heart', 'eye-lashes', 'sight', and 'locks', to make them live characters of the tribal society, bound by the custom of lokhay warkawal, which has been explained earlier. The heart has offered lokhay to the 'eye-lashes' which are Pukhtun by nature, and has, thus, got the right to settle down under their protection. The 'sight' should have no fear now to go straight with an air of self-respect to the 'face', no matter if the locks are covering it. ستا د برنډو سترګو يو علاج و هغه دا دې پانډه به په تا د پښتنو اوښکو جرګه کړم (The only remedy of your scolding eyes is, To let a jarga of Pukhtun tears stay with you). (Yun; p.334) To entertain a jarga for indefinite period is almost a punishment to a party. By norms and mores of the society, the host has to feed and look after the jarga well. But how long? زلفې هندکئي دي کږلېچونه لري باڼه دې نېغ دي پښتنې ښکاري (Your locks, being crooked, are Hindkee, (And) eyelashes, being straight, are Pukhtun). (Yun; p.382) The symbols of Hindkee and Pukhtun, for conflicting behaviours, make a contrast to magnify the beauty of locks and eyelashes and their clashing postures. This sort of statement, however, negates the universal concepts of Sufism as well as humanism which are so eagerly pleaded by the poet. Here one may consider that Hamza was possessed more by Pukhtunism rather than Sufism. زړه به کړم اوبه، خو د هندکي اشنا په مخ کښې خدائېګو که ټيټ سرې خپله اوښکه پښتنه کړم (I may kill my heart, but in presence of a Hindki friend, By God, I wouldn't disgrace (my) Pukhtun tear). (Yun; 334) حمزه په پښتانه نظر دې څه وشول پوهېږې؟ چې نن له هندو زلفو بوګنېدلې غوندې ښکاري (What happened to your Pukhtun sight, O Hamza! That they look frightened by Hindu locks). (Yun; 360) Hindu and India were used by medieval poets for dark complexion. Now that trend has taken another turn to Hindu-Muslim enmity. Hindu is considered weak but cunning. Here locks are personified as Hindu due to their black colour, and it surprises the poet to feel that the 'sight', as brave as a Pukhtun, was frightened by the 'locks' which are as black and timid as a Hindu. عشقه! تا چې هنر زده کړې پېرنګئي شوې هغه سترګې نه پښتو په نارينه کښې، نه حيا په ارتينه کښې (O love! you learnt the art, those eyes became English, Neither Pukhto (has left) in the man, nor Haya in the woman). (Yun; p.384) Haya (shyness) is a quality, considered virtuous, and is much discussed in the Eastern poetry. Islamic teachings also give it importance for the reason that other people should not be offended with insulting actions, speech, looks etc. The Pukhtun nature is, in general, shy. It is a virtue in their social order. The young is not supposed to offend their elders by intervention, interruption, gestures etc. Hamza has given it a subtle touch: 'Pirangae' (Englishman) has been used as a symbol for disgrace and shamelessness. When the 'love' became an art, the eyes turned into being 'English' and have, thus, lost the honour and modesty which are main features of Pukhtunwali. زلفې دې ماغولې، خوئي ئې سم نه شو کږې دي شپې مې پښتنې دي، نه ګيله، نه شکايت کا (Your Mughul locks haven't changed, still being twisted, The nights are Pukhtun, neither complain nor protest). Mughul was used by Khushal Khan Khattak for the rival and a symbol for evils, when he at war with Mughul emperor Aurangzeb and used not only his sword but his pen also. At a stage when the freedom movement was in spate against the British rulers, it shot off other symbols such as Aurang and Ferang, which stand for Aurangzeb Alamgir and the British respectively. Mughul, Mughulwala, Aurang and Ferang are still used with slight variations, mainly in the political context. Rahman Baba (ra) has expressed his universal concept of love which is over and above tribalism. زه عاشق يم سروکار مې دې له عشقه نه خليل، نه داؤدزې يم نه مومند (I'm a lover, passion alone is my business, I'm neither Khalil, nor Daudzai nor Momand). Khalil, Daudzai and Momand are tribes. Rahman Baba (ra) himself belonged to Momand tribe. His diction is very simple and it carries clearly the message. Hamza has also treated similar idea: ژبه چې يوه وي ډېرې خولې هم يوه خوله وي څه شي، افريدې شو که شينوارې که خټک شو (For one tongue, even many mouths are one, What, if be an Afridi, a Shinwari or a Khattak). (Yun; p.328) نه چې د شينوارو افريدو خبرې ښې لږي ما باندې د ټولو پښتنو خبرې ښې لږي (Not that of Shinwaris' and Afridis' stories I like, I like the stories of all the Pukhtuns alike). (Palwasha, monthly; Karachi; December, 1990; p.7) غږ د پښتنې رباب کې بېال هره پرده کا زه به د دې ټولو نه پېدا يوه نغمه کړم (Every tone of Pukhtun rabab may sound differently, I would compose one melody of all of them). (Yun; 334) An earnest wish for unification of the Pukhtun in the sweet and delicate language of ghazal is the mastery that Hamza had achieved with perfection. But some time Hamza was disappointed to find that the Pukhtun was still sleeping: ما وې چې دا اوده قام به زما په چغو ويښ شي معلومه شوه ما غږ کړو خوبولو ته به خوب کښې (I thought this nation will wake with my slogans, (But) I found, I was calling, in dream, those who are sleeping). (Da Pukhtunkhwa Guloona; Pp.276-295). And sometimes he was shocked to look at the backwardness of the Pukhtun: څو دا پښتنه مينه حمزه! خواخوږي څاڅکي نن ئې د پښتون اوچ صحرا ته راسوم (O Hamza! a few tender drops of Pukhtun love, I take, today, to the arid desert of Pukhtuns). (Yun; p.333) This pathetic line describes the miserable conditions, in which the Pukhtun is living, and a heartfelt wish for his prosperity with 'the tender drops of tears'. But he does not loose hopes and look back at the courage of Khushal Khan Khattak to boost up his morale: خواږه خوبونه ويني پښتانه د قوميت بېدار چې تل ترتله وو همت د خوشال خان (Pukhtuns see delightful dreams of nationhood, Due to ever-active courage of Khushhal Khan). (Yun; 84) It is a tribute to Khushal Khan Khattak, also, who had propounded the concept of Pukhtunism in his poetry and strove for their unification against the Mughul empire. Certain cynics used to mock at Pukhto and Pukhtuns and called Pukhto the language of hell. Hamza has given them a rejoinder in the following ageless line of a ghazal: وائي اغيار چې د دوزخ ژبه ده زه به جنت ته د پښتو سره ځم (The aliens call it the language of hell, I will go to heaven with Pukhto). (Ghazawoone; 52) Hamza expresses his firm faith in Pukhto, and resolve to keep it up even up to the Paradise. Here Pukhto means the 'code of honour' as well. And that is the trend that Hamza has set for which he has attained enviable status in Pukhto literature, and is called 'the Pukhtun Sufi'.Bibliography:
1. Spain, James W.; The way of the Pathans; p.22 and a note on the book. 2. The Columbia Encyclopedia, Volume IV; Columbia university press; USA; Third edition, 1963; p.1611. 3. Aslanov; Da Afghanistan milli zheba au adab; p.9. 4. Dupree, Louis; Afghanistan; p.127. 5. The Columbia Encyclopedia, Volume IV; Columbia university press; USA; Third edition, 1963; p.1611. 6. Area Handbook for Afghanistan; Foreign Area Studies, The American University, 5010 Wisconsin Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20016; Fourth edition; 1973; p.181. 7. Area Handbook for Afghanistan; Foreign Area Studies, The American University, 5010 Wisconsin Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20016; Fourth edition; 1973; p.181. 8. Dupree, Louis, Afghanistan; 1978; p.126. 9. The Gandhara Times, fortnightly (Muhammad Nawaz Khan and Alamzeb Gandapur); Peshawar; 16-31 July 93; p.2. 10. The Frontier Post, daily (translated and edited by Dr Sher Zaman Taizi); Peshawar; January 01, 1993. 11. Gandhara Times, fortnightly; Peshawar, I/22, 1-15 August 1993. - بېرته شاته